Pakistan’s military leadership, led by Army Chief General Asim Munir, met with major political parties in Peshawar, the capital of the northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, on January 16.

While the meeting’s political undertones – most notably a meeting with the senior leadership of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with regards to the future of jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan – attracted the most media attention, security dominated the Peshawar discussion.

The political leadership of the province has been informed of a forthcoming increase in the intensity of military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, especially in the merged districts of the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). In recent months, the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), also known as the Pakistani Taliban, have been increasing their presence in the former FATA, their old haven. 

 

The high-level security meeting in Peshawar also featured a critique of the army’s past policies. The army chief acknowledged that TTP terrorists should not have been released [in 2021], and admitted that the ‘Good Taliban Bad Taliban’ policy has caused Pakistan a huge harm.

The meeting also heard many criticisms of the PTI, which rules Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, with opposition parties blaming the party’s policy vis-à-vis the Taliban as a major reason behind the resurgence of the TTP in the region. 

The PTI’s interests were also questioned when the military leadership shared the details of what they are dubbing “targeted security operations” in areas that – as opposition parties were quick to point out – contain significant on-ground support for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s ruling party. According to the media, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa governor, Faisal Karim Kundi, said that the PTI government, led by Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, isn’t allocating sufficient resources for the operations because they don’t want the TTP eliminated. Kundi, who as governor is appointed by the central government, accused the provincial government of misappropriating funds allocated for counterterrorism efforts.

 

While Munir made a point not to acknowledge references to the PTI and Imran Khan, he agreed that the move to release TTP fighters – which occurred during Khan’s tenure as prime minister – resulted in the group’s resurgence. The army chief reiterated that the military will no longer tolerate any Taliban presence in Pakistan. “Last month’s operation conveyed the message that we will not tolerate safe havens for these khawarij (aposates – ed.) elements to launch attacks against Pakistan,” Munir said, referring to Pakistan military’s airstrikes in Afghanistan’s eastern Paktika province on December 24.  

The security meeting in Peshawar ,has come against the backdrop of an increasing dire surge in terrorism. Last year witnessed the highest number of militant attacks in Pakistan for a decade, with the majority of them being carried out by the TTP and its affiliates. While anti-army sentiment has grown across Pakistan, not least because of the support enjoyed by the PTI and Imran Khan, locals in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have long been resentful of the state’s policies.

The financial crisis and rising unemployment have further helped the TTP’s recruitment in these areas. While a United Nations monitoring report estimates that around 6,500 fighters are a part of the group, locals suggest those now affiliated with the TTP could number up to 20,000. 

In addition to the surge in manpower, the TTP received a share in the $7 billion worth of arms and equipment left behind the by the United States when it withdrew from Afghanistan in 2021. 

Now the TTP is deploying resources to create a parallel governance system in many parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It currently has office-bearers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, similar to the Afghan Taliban regime. 

Former TTP spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan said that the ultimate goal of the Pakistani Taliban is to establish Islamic rule in Pakistan. “We want 100 percent Islam, and even if someone offers us 99 percent we will not agree.”

A prominent example of the TTP’s emergence aggravating clashes is currently visible in Kurram district, which has practically been cordoned off from the rest of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province since November. Over 100 villages have remained under siege, with tribal clashes erupting since the reemergence of the TTP.  

It is important to add that the group has historically established its strongholds in Kurram with the Haqqani Network, the most hard-line wing of the Afghan Taliban. Many experts agree that the Haqqani Network was a key strategic asset for the Pakistani army in the run-up to the capture of Kabul, and now serves as a direct link between the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban and a mediator in Islamabad’s negotiations with the TTP and other extremist groups such as the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group. 

As the TTP’s influence in the border areas has grown, the Haqqani Network’s presence in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has increased significantly. While Pakistan's military leadership has been putting on a stronger front against the Kabul regime, locals say Haqqani leaders are effectively continuing to be provided the same security protocols in Pakistan that they have used for decades, which could indicate the group has tacit military support behind the scenes.